In the last few months I’ve just about finalized the extended version of the tone sandhi paper. Here is the current version of the abstract:

This study documents speaker variation and lexical variation in the phonological tone change patterns of Jinhua Wu Chinese, one dialect in a region known for particularly complicated tone sandhi systems and regional variation. Previous reports of Jinhua tone sandhi have agreed that there is some lexical variation, but they have disagreed considerably about the contour shapes as well as about mergers between tone categories. It was not clear whether these were differences in methodology, stimuli selection, speaker idiolect, or systematic regional or generational differences. I recorded a word list spoken by 15 speakers of Jinhua Wu from two locations and two generations, and carried out an acoustic analysis of the pitch tracks. The analysis proposes new methods of contour parameterization and tone categorization. The results indicate that there are systematic regional and generational differences in Jinhua sandhi, as well as lexical variation. Also, the space of tone contours is highly constrained, apparently by a combination of coarticulation and the obligatory contour principle (OCP). The generational differences show active tonal evolution that is predicted by theories of sandhi arising from tonal coarticulation. The complexity of the data and the role of phonetic constraints in the phonological patterns require an explanation that appeals to historical change as much as to synchronic grammar.

And here is a new picture of the distances among speakers’ contour systems:

The older speakers (blue border) are on the left and the younger speakers (red border) are on the right. The people from the village (yellow fill) are together in the lower half of the figure.

Translation of chapter 4 section 6 of 曹志云 (2002) 南部吴语语音研究. The original is at the bottom.

4.6 Semantic tone change
In contrast with phonological and grammatical tone change, semantic tone change uses tone change to achieve a particular semantic purpose. In Southern Wu, diminutive tone change is representative of semantic tone change. The majority of dialects select a high tone to mark diminutives, showing that there is close relationship between tone level and diminutive semantics. For example, in Qingyuan dialect, “农” is pronounced with citation tone ①L [52] ([noŋ52]) when is means person, and when it is pronounced with diminutive tone [55] ([noŋ55]), it means “picture”. Diminutive tone change is discussed in more detail in Chapter 5.
Besides diminutive tone change, the phenomenon of “internal winding” also displays the semantic function of tone change. In Southern Wu, tone-internal winding is rather common. Here we take a few examples from Tangxi dialect (which do not include cases of semantic distinctions that arise from differences between phonological tone change and grammatical or diminutive tone change).

毛	mə11	n. feather
	mə24	v. drizzle
木	mɔ113	n. wood
	mɔ55	adj. numb
扦	tshie24	v. poke in
	tshie52	n. fence
坑	kha24	n. a canal
	kha52	1) n. a gutter; 2) v. drain
爷	iɑ11	father (in compounds)
	iɑ52	grandfather
腰	iə24	waist
	iə535	kidney
老师	lə113-11zɿ24	craftsman
	lə113-52sɿ24-0	teacher
大农	dɤ341-113nɑo11-0	adult
	dɤ341-11nɑo11	elders, esp. grandparents
后日	əɯ113-11ȵiei113	after
	əɯ113ȵiei113-0	the day after tomorrow
六月	lɔ113ȵiɤ113-0	1) June; 2) summer
	lɔ113-11ȵiɤ113	summer
清楚	tshei24-33tshu535	clear
	tshei24tshu535-0	clean, refreshing
前后	z-sie11-33əɯ113	before and after
	z-sie11-33əɯ113-24	anyway

Unedited OCR of original:

语义变调跟语音变调、语法变调相对而言，是利用声调的变化来达到特定的语义目的的现象。在南部吴语中，小称变调是一种典型的语义变调。多数方言均选择高调作为小称调，说明调值和小称意义之间具有密切的联系。例如庆元方言，“农”读本调阳平〔52 ] ( [ noiJ52 ] )时义为“人”，读小称调［551 ( [ nor355 ]）时就是“画儿”的意思。小称变调问题将放在第五章里专门详细讨论。

除了小称变调以外，声调的“内部曲折’，现象也是声调语义功能的‘一种表现。在南部吴语里，声调的内部曲折现象比较多见。这里举一些汤溪方言的例子（不包括因语音变调与语法变调、小称变调的不同而区别意义的情况）。
毛ma 1‘名词：鸡一
m324动词，下（毛毛雨）：毛毛雨儿一来罢下起毛毛雨来了木M3 113名词：树一
mo55形容词，（冻致）麻木：脚冻冻一扦tslie24动词，插：一花
ts’ie5“名词，篱笆：一堵一
坑kh扩4名词，较大的水道，多指洗涤用的水道
kha52①名词，较小的水道。②动词，排（水）：点儿水一出去爷iall父亲：一娘
1×52爷爷
腰1a24腰部
1a535肾：猪一
A ZQO11形容词，庸碌无能：一货笨蛋
ZQ034‘一；iao 4‘名词，精液
弄1×0341窗
1xO24泛义动词，搞：一点儿钞票用用loll窗，含诙谐义
老师la 11，一，1 Z12‘工匠：剃头一
la113-525124-0教师：王一
大农dy34‘一“3nao11-0大人、成人：一欺小农儿，大人欺小孩儿

dy34，一‘Inao“长辈，多指公婆：渠眼里无一个她眼里没有尊长后日。w113-11 T)6iei113以后
aw113r}iei113-0后天
六月10 113 aiy113-0①六月份。②夏天
1×113-11 r& 113专指夏天
清楚tShei24-33tShu535清楚：账算一
tShei24tShu535-0清新、整洁：渠房里顶一他的房间最清洁前后Z-Sie11-33 aw113前和后：弗顾一不顾前不顾后
Z-Sle11-33 aU-1 113-24副词，反正：一来得及个，摇慌反正来得及，别急

Translation of chapter 4 section 5 of 曹志云 (2002) 南部吴语语音研究. The original is at the bottom.

4.5 Grammatical tone change

Grammatical tone changes are related to specific grammatical structures, generally occuring in phrases that have fairly loose composition.
The performance of grammatical tone change is fairly delicate. Only by thorough meticulous survey can its patterns be discovered. In the course of a general dialect survey, it is very easy to mistake grammatical tone change for phonological tone change phenomena, and classify it as phonological tone change. This actually one of the reasons that have made some dialect sandhi systems appear unusually complicated.
Grammatical tone change is a kind of tone change that is common in Southern Wu. According to our current understanding of the situation, Jinhua, Tangxi, Pan’an, Yongkang, Wuyi, Quzhou, Longyou, Kaihua, Changshan, Yushan, Qingtian, Qingyuan, Wenzhou, Taishun, and others, to varying degrees, all have grammatical tone change phenomena. The following takes Tangxi dialect as an example, simply to introduce grammatical tone change in Southern Wu.

4.5.1 Verb-object form

In many dialects of Southern Wu, there is often a difference between verb-object form tone change and other forms. But the words that have this kind of different outcome in each dialect are not at all the same.
In Tangxi dialect, verb-object form tone change is limited to words that have ①H tone in the last syllable. The pattern of disyllabic verb-object tone change is: first syllable ①H [24], ①L [11], and ③H [52] all change to [33]; ③L [341], ②L [113], and ④L [113] all change to [11]; and ②H [535], and ④H [55] all change to [52]. Just like mainstream initial tone change, the second syllable doesn’t change. For example:

		Verb-Object			Not Verb-Object
①H+①H	开封	khɛ24-33fɑo24	‘open envelope’	开封	khɛ24fɑo24-0	‘Kaifeng’ (place name)
①L+①H	爬山	b-po11-33so24	‘climb mountain’	南风	nɤ11-113fɑo24-0	‘South wind’
②H+①H	起风	tɕhi535-52fɑo24	‘wind blows’	比方	pi535-52fɑo24-52	‘analogy’
②L+①H	有心	iəɯ113-11sei24	‘have intention’	下风	uo113-11fɑo24-52	‘leeward’
③H+①H	放心	fɑo52-33sei24	‘don’t worry’	背心	pɛ52-33sei24-52	‘vest’
③L+①H	念经	ȵie341-11tɕiei24	‘read scripture’	大溪	dɤ341-11tɕhie24-52	‘Daxi’ (place name)
④H+①H	杀鸡	so55-52tɕie24	‘kill chicken’	北京	pɛ55tɕiei24-0	‘Beijing’
④L+①H	读书	dɔ113-11ɕi24	‘read books’	石灰	za113xue24-0	‘lime (stone)’
				宅村	dza113-11tshɤ24-52	‘Zhai Village’

It must be said that the difference between Tangxi dialect verb-object form and non-verb-object forms is not completely strict. Some non-verb-object words also follow verb-object pattern tone change. For example: 杭州 uo213-33tɕiəɯ24 ‘Hangzhou’, and 火车 xuɤ535-53tshɑ24 ‘train’.

4.5.2 Number-measure form

1. Numbers other than ‘one’ + measure word
When a number is not 1, the Tangxi dialect disyllabic number-measure form tone change pattern is:
(1) Tone ② number + H measure word: first syllable ②H [535] becomes [52], and ②L [113] becomes [11], and the second syllable changes to [52].
(2) In other situations, the first syllable doesn’t change, and the second syllable becomes neutral tone. For example:

①H+M	三张	so24tɕio24-0	‘three pieces’	三袋	so24dɛ341-0	‘three bags’
①L+M		no examples
②H+M	九本	tɕiəɯ535mai535-52	‘nine books’	几尺	kɛ535-52tɕiɛ55-52	’several inches’
	九年	tɕiəɯ535ȵie11-0	‘nine years’	几袋	kɛ535dɛ341-0	’several bags’
②L+M	两张	lia113-11tɕio24-52	‘two pieces’	五块	ŋ113-11khuɛ52	‘five piles’
	两桶	lia113dɑo113-0	‘two buckets’	五日	ŋ113ȵiei113-0	‘five days’
③H+M	四块	si52khuɛ52-0	‘four piles’	半日	mɤ52ȵiei113-0	‘half day’
③L+M	廿个	ȵie341kɑ52-0	‘twenty items’	二两	ŋ341lɤ113-0	‘two taels’
④H+M	七支	tshei55tsɿ24-0	’seven sticks’	八层	po55zai11-0	‘eight layers’
④L+M	六张	lɔ113tɕio24-0	’six pieces’	十桶	ʑiɛ113dɑo113-0	‘ten buckets’

2. ‘One’ + measure word

The tone change of “’one’ + measure word” is idiosyncratic. “One” before a measure word is always pronounced [i-52], and it is unclear what its isolation tone is. The measure word after the “one” H register tones are pronounced [52] (the same as ③H contour), L register tones (except for ①L) are pronounced [341] (the same as ③L contour), and ①L [11] usually doesn’t change, though sometimes it also changes to [52] or [341]. For example:

лаптоп

1+①H	一张	i-52tɕio24-52	‘one piece’	一双	i-52ɕiɑo24-52	‘one pair’
1+①L	一层	i-52zai11	‘one level’	一篮	i-52lo11	‘one basket’
	一头	i-52d-təɯ11-52	‘one head’	一片	i-52bo11-341	‘one flake’
1+②H	一本	i-52mai535-52	‘one book’	一晚	i-52uo535-52	‘one bowl’
1+②L	一领	i-52lei113-341	‘one coat’	一桶	i-52dɑo113-341	‘one bucket’
1+③H	一个	i-52kɑ52	‘one item’	一套	i-52thə52	‘one set’
1+③L	一段	i-52dai341	‘one part’	一份	i-52vai341	‘one serving’
1+④H	一节	i-52tsia55-52	‘one section’	一桌	i-52tɕio55-52	‘one table’
1+④L	一日	i-52ȵiei113-341	‘one day’	一盒	i-52ɤ113-341	‘one box’

4.5.3 Double measure word

[Two measure words together (usually meaning every item) can be different too. In Tangxi, the first one changes like the measure word in the “one”+measure word construction, and the second changes to a neutral tone, like 张张 tɕio24-52tɕio24-0, and 个个 kɑ52kɑ52-0.]

4.5.4 Adjective-measure form

[Adjective + measure word are different too. In Tangxi, the tone on the adjective changes like in normal disyllabic sandhi, and the measure word changes like the measure word in the “one” + measure word pattern, except the [52] tones can alternately be pronounced [535].]

4.5.5 Double verb, verb-pronoun, verb-directional, verb-measure, particle, and locative forms

[These other constructions can have different tone change. In Tangxi, they depend mostly on the tone of the first syllable, and frequently involve neutralization of the second syllable.]

4.5.6 X character form

[When referring to a character, in Tangxi, the character pronunciation typically retains its isolation tone, and 'character' (字 zɿ341) take a neutral tone.]

4.5.7 Verb-resultative, subject-predicate, and compound adjective forms

[With few exceptions, these word groups don't change in Tangxi.]

[Below is the OCR of the original, not cleaned up as much as usual. Hopefully it's still helpful for finding what kind of information is there.]

第五节语法变调

语法变调跟特定的语法结构相联系，一般出现于结构比较松散的词组里面。

语法变调的表现比较微妙，只有进行深入细致的调查才能找出它的规律。

在做一般性方言调查的时候，很容易把语法变调当作语音变调现象，归入语音变调。

这实际上也是造成一些方言语音变调规律异常复杂的原因之一。
语法变调是南部吴语里普遍存在的一种变调现象。
据我们现在了解到的情况，在金华、汤溪、磐安、永康、武义、衙州、龙游、开化、常山、玉山、青田、庆元、温州、泰顺等地，都不同程度地存在着语法变调现象。
下面以汤溪方言为例，简要介绍南部吴语中的语法变调。

一述宾式

在南部吴语的不少方言里，述宾式的变调往往跟非述宾式有区别。
但这种区别究竟存在于哪些连调组合（字组）里，各方言并不一致。
在汤溪方言里，述宾式变调自成规律的字组限于后字为阴平的字组。
两字组述宾式的变调规律是：前字阴平[24]、阳平[11]、阴去[52]一律变[33]，阳去[341]、阳上[113]、阳入[113]一律变[11]，阴上[535]、阴入[55]一律变[52]，跟两字组前字的主流变调相同；后字一律不变。

例如：

述宾式非述宾式

阴平＋阴平开封启封khF24-33fa0 4开封地名khe24fa024-0
阳平＋阴平爬山b-po“一，3SO‘南风nsl‘一，13faO24-0
阴上＋阴平起风tf.hi53，一，2fao 4比方pi 53，一，2fao2‘一，，
阳上＋阴平有心iaul113-11 sei24下风U0113-11 fa024-52
阴去＋阴平放心fa052-33sei24背心PE52-33Sei24-52
阳去＋阴平念经r),ie34‘一“toiei24大溪dy34‘一‘1toie24-52
阴入＋阴平杀鸡。055-52tQie24北京pe55tgiei24-0
阳入＋阴平读书da113-11CA24石灰za113XUe24-0 1宅村地名dza113一11tSIY 4-52

需要说明的是，汤溪方言述宾式与非述宾式的区别并不是十分严格的，一些非述宾式的字组也按述宾式的规律变调。
例如：杭州U0213-33tQlaLU24｝火车XUX535-53tsha24 o

二数量式

1．非“一”＋量词
当数词不是“一”的时候，汤溪方言两字组数量式的变调规律为：
(1）上声数词＋阴调量词：前字阴上［535］变［52]，阳上［113」变[it]，后字都变［52]；
(2）其他情况前字不变，后字变轻声。
例如：
阴平＋量词三张s024t,io 4-”三袋5024 d产1-0
阳平＋量词（缺例）
阴上＋量词九本toiau1535-52mai535-52几尺ke535-52tvhiE55-52
九年t9iaul535r}iel‘一。几袋ke535 de 341-0
阳上＋量词两张iia113-llt9i024-52五块9113-”k hUE52
两桶iia113da0113-0五日X113 r}ieil 13-0
阴去＋量词四块si52 khUS52-0半日m852Ibiei113-0
阳去＋量词廿个rbie341 ka52-0二两}341 1y113-0
阴入＋量词七支tShe155tS,i24-0八层讨5zaill-0
阳入＋量词六张13113tQio24-0十桶；ic113dao113-02.“一”十量词
“一十量词”的变调自成规律。
“一”在量词前面一律读【i -52］，单字调不明。
“一”后面的量词，阴调类均读作【52]（同阴去调值），阳调类除阳平以外均读作【341]（同阳去调值），阳平〔11]一般不变，有时也变作［52］或［341]。
例如：
一＋阴平量词一张i-52tQio24-52一双i-520iao24-52一＋阳平量词一层i-52zai“一篮i-521011
一头i-52d-tatul1-52一月1 -52boll -341一＋阴上量词一本i -52 rilai535-52一碗i-52U 535-52一＋阳上量词一领i -52 lei’ 13-34‘一桶1-52dQo113-341一＋阴去量词一个i-52 kQ52一套i -52th驴2
一＋阳去量词一段i -52 dai34‘一份i -52 V ai341
一＋阴入量词一节i-52tSia55-52一桌1-52to1055-52一＋阳入量词一日i -5217,1eil 13-34‘一盒i -52 y113-341

三，盛式

量叠式是指量词重叠结构，例如：
个个：渠三个儿一口tha55吓农本事他三个儿子每一个都很能干。
本本：口9矛13些书一口th355吓农好望这些书每一本都很好看。
汤溪方言量叠式的前字变调规律为：阴调类均变作【52](同阴去调值），阳调类除阳平以外均变作【341]（同阳去调值），阳平【11」不变—跟上文“一十量词”里的量词的变调规律基本相同；后字都变作轻声。
例如：
阴平支支ts124-52ts124-0张张tQio24-52t,10 4-0
阳平阴上阳上阴去阳去阴入阳入
排排ball ball-0
朵朵t}535一，2ty535一。领领lei’ 13-341lei’13-0个个ka52ka52一。
样样i0141 i0341-0
尺尺to hie55-52t沪155-0盒盒￥113-34‘二“3-0
层层zaill zail l-0
本本mai535-52mai535-0桶桶dao113-341dao113-0对对t,52te52-0
袋袋de 341 de 34‘一。
节节tSia55-52tSia51-0
勺勺；ioI”一，417,iO113-0

四 形里式

形量式是指“形容词＋量词”的结构。
汤溪方言有些形容词可以直接加在量词前面，例如“大张一个纸”。
两字组形量式的变调规律为：
前字（形容词）阴平［24]、阴去〔52〕变f33]，阴上〔535]、阴入〔55」变〔52],阳平［11〕不变，阳上【113]、阳去［341]、阳入［113］变［11]—跟两字组语音变调中前字的变调规律大致相同；
后字阴调类均变作【52]（同阴去调值）一【535]（同阴上调值）又读，阳调类除阳平以外均变作【341]（同阳去调值），阳平〔11]不变—跟上文“一十量词”的量词、量叠式里的前字的变调规律大致相同。

例如（举例中的“个”是“的”的意思）：
大堆一个沙dx34，一‘1tC24-52一dy34，一‘1tS24-535
大朵一个花dy34‘一‘1ty535-52一dy34，一’1 t X535
重担一个柴d7,iCl 0113-11 n052一d};iao113-11 n52-535长节一个甘蔗d7,iolltsia55-52一郎iolltsia55-535
成箩一个谷7,iailllall
大领一个席dx3“一‘Ilei113-341粗段一个树tshu24-33dai341
大勺一个水dy34，一，17,10113-341

有些“形容词十名词”结构虽然跟形量式同形，但形名结构的变调属于一般的语音变调，跟形量式的语法变调不同。
例如：大堆一个－d护4‘一“t扩4｝重担一副一d7,iao113一‘1 n052｝大勺一个一dy34‘一“7,iO113 0

五 动叠式，动代式，动趋式，动里式，X助式，方位式

动叠式是指动词重叠结构，如“讲讲”。
动代式是指“动词十代词”的结构，如“骂我”。
动趋式是指“动词十趋向动词”的结构，如“走来”。
动量式是指“动词十量词”的结构，如“买包一香烟”。

X助式是指“动词、名词、形容词或代词十助词（包括词尾、句末疑问词）”的结构，如“想着”、“去未？”
方位式是指“名词或代词十方位词”的结构，如“路上”、“日里”。
这些格式的两字组变调规律是：前字是平声、去声、阴入的，前字不变，后字变轻声；前字是上声、阳入的，阴上变〔52]，阳上、阳入变[11],后字都变〔52]。即：
前字后字连调模式
阴平〔24]、阳平［11]、阴去［52]、阳去【341]、阴入［55] X本调＋轻声阴上〔5351 X [52 + 521
阳上［113]、阳入［1131 X [11+52]
例如：
动叠式动代式动趋式
前字阴平烘烘.0024X,024-0敲打我k-h,24,1”一“收来g1a112 4IE11-O前字阳平爬爬b,11 b011-0烦渠他VOll 9w11-“逃去dal l llhaw52-0
前字阴上讲讲kil0535-52kUO535-52请尔tshei535-52沪3-52解开kQ535-520,24-52前字阳上坐坐。113-11Z_SY113-52买尔Ma113-11113-52上来ZiO113-11iel‘一，2前字阴去种种WO耐2tyiO052。向渠他giO52 gw11-。进来tsei521E11-0
前字阳去间问。341mai341-0骂我M,341a113｛撞去dZiaO341khaW52-0前字阴入吃吃tg”iei55tg’iei55-“接我tSie55a113-“接来tSie551El1-o
前字阳入嚼嚼ZY113-11 Z_SY113-52罚渠他V0113-11 9-kuill-52学去U0113-l l k ,0352

动量式X助式方位式

前字阴平开张一票1s?’o1teio24“开口开着0E24da113-“缸里kllo 41ill3-o前字阳平裁块一布二Ilkhu#52-o渠道他们sail Itao田里die’ 1li113-0
前字阴上写封一信sias35-52foo 4-52想着SY535-52 d$-tpi0113-52姊口姐姐那里tsi535-52d-ta113-52前字阳上买管一锁二，13-llk00535-52我道我们0113-Ilta-52哪里哪个里头iall3-Ilii113-52前字阴去唱个一歌儿t$h1052k052-“去未去没去khaW52Mi341-“世上。i,52耐41-0
前字阳去换样一东西u 341i0341-“卖弗卖不卖M0341fE55-“路上1ll341称 0341-0前字阴人吃碗一饭teiei55U0535-“雪般一白sie55MYo北面夕5Mie34l-o
前字阳人择双一鞋dza113-11 x,024-52熟未熟没熟称0113-11Mi341-52席上Zeil13-117._910341-52
一些地名的变调不符合一般的语音变调规律，而跟方位式相同，例如：枫坞fa024 u535-0 I陈村d7,iai11 tSh Y24-0 I戴家ts52kUO 4-0。
在另一方面，一些表示处所、时间的词语的变调往往不同于方位式，无明显规律可寻，例如：外面0134‘一，1 mie341｝里头1i113-11 daw“一’13｝头前前面d-tatu11-33 ziel’一’13｝前年z-sie11-331}iel‘一川｝后日后天。w113 aiei113-0 0

六 X字式

X字式是指“山字”（“山”这个字）、“马字”（“马”这个字）之类的结构。
在“X字”式里，前字“X”是被强调的部分，所以一律不变调，后字“字”一律变轻声。例如：
“山”字S024 21341-01“鞋”字Q1121341-0 1“写”字sia535 21341-0 1“马”字m011321341-0！“菜”字tshe52 21341-0 1“大”字dy341 21341-0 1“八”字po552134‘一。］“十”字；1E113Z1341-0
有的字组表面上虽然也是“X’，加“字”，但结构不同，变调采用语音变调，不采用语法变调。
例如：写字动宾Sia535-52 21341｝大字大楷dy34’一“3 21341-0 I八字生辰一po55-52 21341 1＋字路口；ie113-11 2134‘一’‘lu341一ilk h W 535 0

七 动结式，主谓式，偏正式形容词

动结式是指“动词十结果补语（形容词、动词）”的结构，如“分清”。
主谓式，如“心狂”。
偏正式形容词是指“动词或名词十形容词”的结构，如“飞快”。
这些格式的两字组除了个别结合得很紧的如“分开”、“关住”、“天蓝”、“草绿”等按语音变调规律变以外，都不变调。
例如：
动结式主谓式偏正式形容词分清fai24tshei24筋抽比喻不安分toiei24tphiaU,24飞快fi24砂ua52
逃走dal1tsau1535心狂比喻决心大sei24 gao“壁竖很陡pei55};ili3讲明kuo535 mei“鬼迷比喻倒霉kus535 mi“雪白sie55 ba113
缚牢bou31al‘手痒比喻手不安分,iau1535 io113蜜甜mei113die11
除了以上格式以外，汤溪方言里部分动词、代词、副词、介词、连词以及三字组的“XX农”式（如“外国农”、“讨饭农”）也有各自特殊的变调。
其中部分动词、代词、副词、介词、连词的变调既不同于语音变调，又难以归纳出成系统的规律。
限于篇幅，这里就不再一一细说了。
由上可见，在南部吴语中，语法结构与声调之间已经构成了非常广泛而密切的联系。
这种联系不仅表现在语法变调的普遍性上，更重要的是，在南部吴语中，已经开始出现“声调语法化”的现象，“量词去声化”就是其中的一个例子。
磐安方言的量词位于数词“一”后面时，阴平〔445]、阳平i$,-f[213]不变，其他字凡来自古清声母的读「52]（同阴去调值），来自古浊声母的读【14]（同阳去调值），例如：张一纸tfb445i！层一楼zgn213｛朵一花tuy434-52）点一钟tie 434-521个一农：一个人ka52｝帖一药thia434-52I角一一钞票kua434-52｝两一重1iA434-14 1倍一bei-141样一东西iD14 1粒一豆1#213-141轴一画海1AO213-140

汤溪方言的情况已如上述，即在数词“一”后面，阴调类量词均读作[52]（同阴去调值），阳调类量词除阳平以外均读作「341]（同阳去调值），阳平【11]一般不变，有时也变作【52」或〔341]。
在量叠式（量词重叠）里面，前一个量词的变调跟上述规律完全相同，后一个量词都变作轻声。
在形量式（形容词＋量词）里面，量词的变调规律基本上也跟在数词“一”后面时一样。
因此，在汤溪方言里，去声的读法一定程度上成了量词的标记。
例如，“领”单字音读【lei’ 13，用作量词时，声调变作[341]（在量叠式里作后字时读轻声），用作非量词时，按照其他变调规律变，二者不会混淆：
量词
一领i-52 lei’ 13-34‘买来一席
领领lei’ 13-341 lei’ 13-0席一破个（席子每一领都是破的）大领(1X34‘一“lei’ 13-34‘一个席（大的席子）
非量词
一领1-52 lei’ 13一便无罢（指东西很少，一开始领就没了）领领lei’ 13- “lei’ 13-52尔去一来（你去把它领了来）
大领dy34，一’1lei113件一个衣裳（那件领子大的衣服）

In the last gazillion months:
- I labeled a bunch of data
- I got much of my analysis method worked out
- I did a bunch more reading, have written up much of my lit review

In the next week and half:
- I need to write up my methodology section
- That will require some more figuring out how my analysis will go
- I should keep working on the labeling, but only as a break from writing

Here is a nice little bit of results

The three speakers in the lower right are the older urban speakers, and the two in the lower left are young urban speakers, as is the one in the middle. The one at the top is an older speaker from the village. There are noticeable differences with the two clusters, but the clustering is pretty reliable, not depending much on the various ways of representing the contours as vectors.

In the last few weeks:
• I finished labeling the first speaker, and one clip per stimulus for another speaker.
• I have contour plots, but they don’t include a mechanism to deal with stimuli that don’t belong to the category I originally thought.
• I’ve decided I need to take research units next quarter to get this done, and I think I will also get a research assistant to help with the labeling.
• I’m stumped on how to do the segmentation on some tokens. It looks to me like prenuclear glides are part of the tone domain in general, but in syllables that don’t have a consonantal onset, you get a longer glide, where part of that should be as outside the tone domain as obstruent onsets are. It looks like the choice is either consistently include the whole glide in the rhyme, or be inconsistent in cutting part of it.

composite triple beat

In the next week or two:
• I need to recruit a research assistant.
• I need to write most of a lit review.

In the last four weeks:
• I segmented a bunch of the files, though maybe only half of what I will need.
• I labeled most of one recording. It takes a long time.
• I met with my advisor about issues with my recordings. I was embarrassed how bad the recording quality is, but she said the sound quality issues aren’t that bad, to be expected in field recordings.
• I transcribed the stimuli, including some of the observed variability.
• I translated one more section of the Southern Wuyu book.
• I found one more dialect survey that includes sandhi data for Jinhua. It doesn’t look like either of the ones I already knew about.

In the next couple weeks:
• I need to finish labeling the one recording, and at least one rep per stimulus for one or two other people.
• Produce contour plots from that preliminary data, to get a feel for where this project might go.
• Keep translating.

I have never heard this song played in Jinhua, but online this song is semi-internet-famous. It’s a rap song about Jinhua sung in Jinhua dialect. It features 老二 (the second son) from the TV show 二十分可乐, being his usual self. The subtitles are a mixture of Jinhua dialect and Standard Mandarin, but in some places I’m not sure what word they’re actually using, so I can’t really fix it. I’m also not sure what they mean at a few points, but here’s my best shot.

十月 (October)
by 阿楼

十月份的天气 真的是有点好 日里穿汗衫 夜里穿棉袄 街路上的人都匆匆忙忙 好象前面就有得拣钞票 : 那里有呢?勿会咯! 现在到处都在造房子 伐是非典, 侬还要戴口罩. 公园、绿地、 广场倒是到处有 爷爷奶奶都在么个里面逃	October weather is really pretty good Wear a t-shirt during the day Wear a cotton coat at night People on the street are in a rush Looks like there he just got paid (?) : Where? No way! Now they’re building houses everywhere To prevent SARS, you still need to wear a mask Parks, green spaces, and plazas are everywhere! The grandparents are all there exercising
阿侬逃啊逃 阿侬逃啊逃 一口气逃到双龙大桥 双龙大桥是个好地方 龙虾的壳吃得满箩筐 嘴巴抹抹 屁股一拍 ：老板 算帐 ：谢谢，刚好二百五喏! ：嗯？倒仨不侬!	I run and run I run and run In one breath I run to Double Dragon Bridge Double Dragon Bridge is a good place I eat enough crayfish shells to fill a big pan Wipe my face Pat my rear : Boss, the tab! : Thanks, exactly 250! : What? Idiot you! ["250" also means "half-wit"]
勿赚哪里来个有的吃 勿做哪里来个有的搞 阿郎搞一搞 阿郎搞一搞 侬做多少个么侬赚多少 勿要特着 那日天上掉钞票 ：啊？又的拣了… 哪里啦？	No matter where, there’s something to eat No matter where, there’s something fun to do We have some fun We have some fun You earn as much as you work When you don’t want to be special, you’ll lose your cash that day (??) : What? (????) Where now?
金华个地方真的是有点好 环境不大不小 不吵也不闹 机会不多不少 够你多少赚点钞票 交通有时差 有时好 开汽车还不如 我们开摩托车的好 ：叽噪，又发不起了！	Jinhua is really a kinda good place The surroundings are not big, not small Not noisy Opportunities are neither many nor few Enough for you to earn some cash Traffic is sometimes bad sometimes good We don’t drive cars as well as we drive motorcycles : Argh, it won’t start again!
高高高，实在是高 个房子的价钱 比那房子还要高 还好咱们中国的传统好 儿女结婚 都是爹娘出钞票 要不然阿郎辛苦多年 只够买个茅坑 没爹娘叫阿郎老婆怎么讨 朋友是多的不得了 名字一般都记不了 今日来个汤溪蛤蟆 明朝来个上海赤佬	High, high, high, in fact it’s high The price of one house is even higher than that house At least our China’s traditions are good When a kid gets married the parents give out cash Otherwise we could live hard for a long time and only afford an outhouse Without parents how could we get married There are so many friends I can’t stand it I generally can’t remember their names Today a “toad” from Tangxi came Tomorrow a “cheat” from Shanghai will come
你来来来 你来来来 叫来来来 你来来来 来咱们金华 阿侬陪侬一起搞 阿侬一起搞 侬有空来嬉哇 阿请侬吃煲	You come come come You come come come Call come come come You come come come Come to our Jinhua I will show you some fun We will fun together When you have time come play I will treat you to hot pot